Tagged: united states

Japan’s freeters and the value of an education

Japanese Yen

Hiroki Iwabuchi lives in an apartment the size of a pool table. Within its four walls, he eats and sleeps, recording the misfortune of his life on a cheap Sony camcorder. Some would think he is a freeter  — a term often used in Japan to refer to young slackers who live off of temporary service jobs — because he likes it, but he was once a college graduate.

Before landing his current full-time job at a nursing home, he worked as a manual labor assistant at a temp agency, as repairer at a Canon factory and many other odd jobs, earning only the minimum to get by. He paid a $10 fee to sleep in a chair at an Internet café and saved some change to pay the train fare for the next day. Eating McDonald’s was paradise.

But Iwabuchi is not the only one. The lack of opportunity for young Japanese is evident. Today, more than 20 years after Japan’s real-estate crisis, “only half of working 15-to-24-year-olds have regular jobs,” Ethan Devine, expert in Asian affairs and partner at Indus Capital Partners, writes for The Atlantic. Another 10 percent remain unemployed.

Since Devine says the U.S. workforce “will grow more slowly over the next 20 years than it has grown at any time in the past century,” Iwabuchi’s story becomes a relevant business lesson: economic fluctuations and crisis force young college graduates to scavenge for jobs, not by choice, but because they need to survive.

THE ‘REAL’ SHOCK

In 1990, Japan’s real-estate bubble burst gave birth to freeters and funemployment. In response to the economic hardship and the lack of full-time employment, Devine writes “young people rejected conformist Japanese culture and its 15-hour workdays.” Instead, they turned to unconventional jobs for some change and decided to hang out.

Yet, the word funemployment quickly lost the fun.

Today, nobody knows why Japan has not recovered from the global financial crisis of 2008 and 2009. Some, such as Devine, believe the different freeter generations to be the answer.

Most ’90s freeters never recovered from their generational slump and still live with their parents. Aging freeters file six of every 10 mental health insurance claims, Devine says.

Others have started to become herbivores, a term popularized by freelance writer Maki Fukasawa, which alludes to those men who reject the old image of Japanese masculinity and embrace a culture of uncompetitiveness, spend a lot of money on cosmetics and refuse to work. Some even wear bras for emotional support.

Megumi Ushikubo, president of Tokyo marketing firm Infinity and author of the bestseller “The Herbivorous Ladylike Men,” said for The Independent:

People who grew up in the bubble era (of the 1980s) really feel like they were let down. They worked so hard and it all came to nothing, so the men who came after them have changed.

A COMMON CHRONIC DISEASE

Japan’s economy suffers from a chronic disease, and companies have stopped to hire regular employers, but why?

Companies’ move to recur to sub-employment because of low profits has led young Japanese to choose between a temporary job and no job at all.

Some, such Naoki Shinada and David Autor, two prominent economists, relate the slow recovery and the current job insecurity to the freeters of the 1990s, Devine writes.

Devine explains Japan’s chronic job instability has had serious consequences and could have more. In 1992, 80 percent of Japanese workers had regular jobs. But this has changed over the years. Only half of those workers had regular jobs in 2006. Today, only 2 percent of nonregular workers aspire to have a regular work each year.

Shinada, an economist at the Development Bank of Japan, says companies use temporary and part-time workers to control costs and maintain flexibility at times of financial crisis.

However, if this becomes the standard hiring practice, it makes “it more difficult for firms to maintain some skills embodied in their labor force.” Unemployment and a less skilled workforce result on the long run because of this hiring practice.

Describing the standard as a lumpy adjustment, Autor, an MIT economist, further notes for Devine:

(Corporations) don’t make lots of little reorganizations each time things get slightly out of tune … (they) wait until things are way off, then make one big adjustment.

Deep recessions like the one Japan experienced force corporations to make adjustments, which cause major job reorganizations.

In the United States, youth unemployment is twice the national average, despite America’s recovery after the financial crash. Part-time employment went from 23 percent from ages 20 to 24 in 2008 to 30 percent in 2012, Devine says.

Ultimately, if companies in the United States, Japan or any other country do not invest in human capital (the knowledge and skills of its workforce), having a college degree won’t matter.

Even state intervention in the economy, as far as job training goes — which actually helped Iwabuchi secure his job after seven years of nonregular work — could help the problem, providing a path towards a stable job for freeters and non-degree holding individuals.

As Devine writes,

Modern economies rest upon the skills of their workforces, and so, although it is expensive and time-consuming to train young workers, wasting their potential will prove more expensive.

While earning a college degree does not secure graduates a job in today’s market, planning the reorganization of job vacancies and investing in training programs could save the economy. By doing so, the private sector and the government aim for stability and a cohesive future between employers and students.

Image credit: Rodrigo Nieves.

We don’t need no counter-cation

Mexico Too Many Bodies

Latin America is confusing. Whether it is a coke-and-weed feud between Mexican drug lords against Colombian capos to seize drug markets in South America, or the national sentiment that spurts out from each country every time the World Cup qualifiers take place, Latin American countries seem to disagree more than they agree in many ways.

However, an article by NYU Professor Greg Gandin suggests Latin America does unite for one purpose, at least: To undermine United States’ path towards the abuse of international law, and stop the world leader from bringing blatant torture to their homes.

Using a methodical approach that walks the reader through important moments in Latin American history, Gandin explains how the United States has repeatedly tried to “re-conquer” its backyard.

The purpose? To enforce its counterterrorism measures — blatant torture and prisoner transfers included — and black sites (secret prisons, mainly) in the lower portion of the continent.

Gandin’s angle is unique. Basing himself off a map that reveals which countries have participated in CIA’s rendition program to abduct, transport and torture prisoners, he takes an interesting element from another story and develops it into a narrative of his own.

Details about the “herculean tasks” Latin American countries undertake nowadays to dismantle intelligent operatives, secret prisons and torture techniques the U.S. enforced during the Cold War, 9/11 hypocrisy and the transfer of prisoners in other places of the world are entertaining.

The segment about former U.S. Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld is both amusing and maddening.

As the secretary of defense praised Latin America’s return to the rule of law after the dark days of the Cold War, Baheer (an Afghani prisoner) may well have been in the middle of one of his torture sessions, ‘hung naked for hours on end.’

As the United States raised its veil of praise for democracy, due processes for people accused on false pretenses were ignored.

Yeah, being a world leader has its benefits.

Anyway, powerful quotes about torture describe the way interrogators took information out of prisoners. Subjects were abducted. Then, waterboarded, beaten, and some even mock executed. If an interrogator threatened to bring my mother and sexually abuse her in front of me, I’d probably wish for the full gunblast.

Overall, the article is well-sourced, providing the links to the studies it uses. Structure ensures a transparent writing by separating information in topical subjects. Five subheads break the motions and there is consistency with the use of attributions and tildes (except when the author confuses Nelson Jobim’s name and writes Jobin, or when he alternates Chavez for Chávez, lacking consistency).

Toward the article’s ending, the author makes an unnecessary statement about the Brazilian government. He writes:

One can imagine that if Brazil and the rest of Latin America had signed up to participate in Washington’s rendition program, Open Society would have a lot more Middle Eastern-sounding names to add to its list.

No, I cannot imagine Brazil would support the U.S. State Department’s measures, especially after Brazil complained about the expansive definition the United States has given to the word “terrorism.” No conspiracy theories and suppositions, please.

Though I’m an Orwell fan, I do not agree with Gandin’s idea of perpetual war. He writes the Bush administration attempted to build a “perfect machine of perpetual war in a corridor running from Colombia through Central America to Mexico,” and, though it is true the United States is partly responsible for the war on drugs — and is also a major actor in it — the foundations of the war on drugs are much more deeper. At least from the Mexican part, they date back to the 19th century, when Chinese settlers began opium trading in several regions of Mexico (Gandin probably knows this, given that he is Pulitzer Prize finalist and a successful writer. My guess is he decided to narrow his focus for the story).

If you are going to mention the influence of the United States on the war on drugs, then talk about how consumption is majorly unattended in the United States; how Mexicans, Colombians and other Latin Americans have died to sustain traffic past the Rio Grande. That would be an idea for a chunkier article, covering two great paradoxes: the war on terrorism and the war on drugs.

I do, however, like the ending. “The sun never rose US-choreographed torture” in my hometown… I think.